The decision made by a slight majority of voters in the UK to leave the EU, based on a non-binding referendum, sent initial shockwaves across the globe. The separation of the UK from the EU is still a process in the making, as there is no certainty about the negotiation approach the UK or the EU will adopt on the terms of the so called Brexit. This paper seeks to outline the major aspects of market access for the international trade of goods between the UK and the EU and the impact and opportunities for Australia, noting the comparatively greater importance of the EU 27 to Australia. The paper concludes that the economic interdependence between the UK and the EU warrants a win-win solution, despite the many as yet unknown challenges that lie ahead.
The debate on development of Kosovar identity, initiated after the war of 1998-99 in Kosovo, began initially promulgating the differences of Albanian language dialects to give voice to the new political circumstances after the declaration of independence. The main argument of this debate revolves around two extremes: the existence or non-existence of the Kosovar identity as a national identity. Such a debate is seen as a challenge to Albanian identity. This article argues that both these positions hold some valid reasoning, however the development of an identity into a national one is a much more complex premise than dialectical differences in speech or the existence of an independent state. The article discusses how Albanian identity is still powerful for the majority of the Kosovo population and examines the prospects of the Kosovar identity to replace the power of the Albanian identity. The article concludes that Kosovar identity contains many favourable ingredients to develop as a national identity, however it is still soon to be considered one and that such development depends on political circumstances, mostly international and less national.
Historical works produced by Kosovars are currently at the centre of diplomatic concerns. Today Turkey is one of Kosovo’s closest allies, but Turkish scholars and government officials are particularly critical of the way the history of the Ottoman Empire is being taught in Kosovo’s schools. In this article I consider how Pan-Slavic ideologies have influenced the writing of Kosovar Albanian histories, particularly during theYugoslav socialist era. I draw on research concerning the relationship between bias in historical textbooks and international conflict. Exploring examples of historical literature currently being taught in Kosovo’s primary and secondary schools, I analyse the discourses espoused by Kosovar historians in depicting the history of the Ottoman Empire. I argue that some of the Turkish criticisms are valid and hence there is need to revise historical texts used in Kosovo’s schools. In particular, there is a need to provide more objective accounts of Kosovar Albanian history in classrooms, especially as regards anti-Ottomanism and the Pan-Slavism. The amendment of Kosovar historical texts in schools would not only provide students with a more accurate and informed interpretation of the past, but also contribute to efforts seeking to improve diplomatic relations.
This paper will explore bilateral relations between Turkey and Albania during the post-Ottoman period. The aim of the paper is to explore reasons for the revival and establishment of relations since the creation of both nation states at the beginning of the twentieth century. In the 21st century, Turkish foreign policy shifts in the Balkans, along with the rise of the Turkish economy and military capability are in line with Albanian needs politically and economically. More importantly, the Turkey’s repeated assurances to protect the Albanian people has been paramount for Albanians who live in the five surrounding states, that is Albania, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia.